Zhou Dynasty – Analyzing Mu-tian-zi-Zhuan (Zhou King Muwang)

MU-TIAN-ZI-ZHUAN (Zhou King Muwang  r. 962-908 B.C. per THE BAMBOO ANNALS)

–The forgery Xia-Shang-Zhou dynasty project set the years of reign for Muwang at 976-921 B.C.; the conventional history adopted the reign years of 1001-946 B.C. ZHU SHU JI NIAN (THE BAMBOO ANNALS) had the king’s reign years set at 962-908 B.C.

Mu-tian-zi (Mu the Son of Heaven), i.e., Zhou King Muwang, the fifth king of Zhou Dynasty, was long rumored to have campaigned against Central Asia and met with Queen Sheeba. Charles Hucker mused about this. However, there is lack of evidence to link Queen Mother of the West to Queen Sheeba. After a re-examination of the travelogue of Mu-tian-zi, this webmaster is convinced that Zhou King Muwang, as depicted in the 4th century fiction Mu-tian-zi[-zhuan], did not travel beyond the Kumtag Desert, i.e., the ancient boundary of Sinitic China since prehistory. Furthermore, there was no trace of the Yuezhi people at the Black Water Lake at least at the time of Zhou King Muwang or more precisely, at the time the book Mu-tian-zi was written, i.e., about the time-frame of the 4th- 3rd centuries B.C.E., when the book was buried in Wei King Xiangwang (?-296 B.C.E.)’s tomb.

Regarding Zhou King Muwang’s entries in the contemporary version of THE BAMBOO ANNALS, erudite Wang Guowei failed to find the credible books that claimed to have cited the original version of THE BAMBOO ANNALS. The books given for majority of the extracted texts were no other books than Guo Pu’s annotation on MU-TIAN-ZI ZHUAN; and Guo Pu’s annotation on SHAN HAI JING –which would be a self-perpetrating loop for substantiating the originally-formatted book THE BAMBOO ANNALS. The loop was the usage of Guo Pu’s annotation on MU-TIAN-ZI ZHUAN and SHAN HAI JING to rewrite the contemporary version of THE BAMBOO ANNALS, while GUO PU’s annotation purportedly came from the original “zhu [bamboo] shu [book]” or “ji [annualized] nian [years]” (not necessarily THE BAMBOO ANNALS) plus most likely cross-references between fiction MU-TIAN-ZI ZHUAN and divination-mythology SHAN HAI JING, something to make the recreation of THE BAMBOO ANNALS tainted by fiction, divination and mythology as well. That is to say, among the entries in THE BAMBOO ANNALS, everything related to Zhou King Muwang’s travels and the matter related to Queen Mother of the West were self-looped, had no credibility, and did not exist. So to say that the widely touted prehistoric east-west ‘cultural’ contact during the 10th century B.C. did not exist, either.

Among the non-travel related matter, in Chen Zan (Fu Zan/Xue Zan/Pei Zan)’s annotation on the geography section of HAN SHU, there was an entry about Zhou King Muwang’s relocating the capital city to Xi-zheng, namely, Nan-zheng; TAI-PING YU LAN and CHU XUE JI mentioned the king’s Zheng-gong and Chun-gong palaces; and WEN XUAN, YI-WEN LEI JU, TAI-PING YU LAN, CHU XUE JI, TONG-JIAN WAI JI, BEI-TANG SHU CHAO, LU SHI etc had extensive coverage of the king’s campaign against the Yue state in the Jiu-jiang or nine rivers area, an event worthy of artistic value for the king’s extraordinary action in making a bridge over the turtles. It was not that the topic of Queen Mother of the West had no artistic value, but the possibility that it was perhaps not in the original book THE BAMBOO ANNALS at all. MU-TIAN-ZI ZHUAN carried the poems between the king and the queen-mother, with the queen-mother asking: The white clouds in the sky (bai-yun zai tian), and the hills extended themselves out of sight (qi-ling zi chu); the road lengthy and far (dao-li you-yuan), with mountains and rivers interspersing (shan-chuan jian chu), should you still live along (jiang zi wu si), is there a chance to make a return trip (shang neng fu lai)? The king replied: in about three years (bi ji san-nian), will return to your wilderness land (jiang fu er ye). LIE ZI, a fable book, extensively talked the king’s travel to the land of the west to meet the queen-mother or the old woman of the west, and the visit to the Sinitic land by the people from the west. Tang Dynasty poet Li Bai, in poem GU FENG (winds of the antiquity), wrote that how remote Zhou King Muwang was, exhausting the 10,000 league trip with the 8-horse chariot, departing from the peak of Mt. Kunlun in the morning and arriving at the Yaochi Lake in the evening for drinking water there. (Incidentally, the first record on Queen Mother of the West in the contemporary version of THE BAMBOO ANNALS was about a visit by the queen-mother or literally the grandma-woman to Lord Shun during the 3rd year of Overlord Shun, like the late 3rd millennium B.C., with the extracted texts purportedly attributed to the ancient version of THE BAMBOO ANNALS looking to DA DAI LI-JI, a Western Han Dynasty-compiled books on the Zhou rites. The other notable books with records about Lord Shun and the queen-mother/grandma-mother would be the ‘chen-wei’ prophecy and argot books like ZHONG-LUN or the golden mean discourse, and LUO SHU or the turtle book from the Luo-he River. Lord Shun was also recorded to have received the visit of the Su-shen-shi people in his 25th year, an event that was used by the Koreans to forge the prehistoric history of lord of the rosewood tree since the Su-shen-shi people were said to be the ancestors of Yemaek or Puyeo or Paekche.)

Yu Taishan, who used soundex to make wild speculation, had mistakenly extended Zhou King Muwang’s travels beyond the Kumtag Desert. See http://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp197_mu_tianzi_zhuan.pdf The other fallacy Yu Taishan had was that he assumed that Mu-tai-zi was actually a contemporary book from around 1000 B.C.E. Before Yu Taishan, there was Ding Shan in the first part of the 19th century making wild speculation. Ding Shan, someone who had wild imagination, provided several claims about the Zhou people’s possible linkage to the West, with the most ridiculous part being the fingerpointing of a fictional Chi-wu-shi [red and black clan] in MU-TIAN-ZI ZHUAN as some non-Sinitic [culture traveler-bearer] people dwelling to the west of the Yellow River, and the relatively plausible parts being about the Zhou people’s deviation from the Shang predecessor and others, namely, the Zhou people’s division of a month into four moon phases ['chu-ji' (new moon to waxing crescent to first quarter), 'ji sheng-ba' (first quarter to waxing gibbous to full moon), 'ji wang' (full moon to waning gibbous to third quarter), and 'ji si-ba' {third quarter to waning crescent to new moon}], and the Zhou kings’ usage of notable events for starting the kings’ first year of eras. Ding Shan’s pointing to the seven days’ records or the fire-burning/death characters in the divination book ZHOU YI, however, had no merits.

At the northwestern-most “Da-ze”, i.e., the Great Lake, there was only the thousand-league distance of land covered by the bird feathers if literally paraphrasing what MU-TIAN-ZI-ZHUAN wrote. Or at the time of the 4th- 3rd centuries BCE, when the book MU-TIAN-ZI-ZHUAN was possibly written, there was no trace of life at the Great Lake. Yuezhi, should they come from the west, could not have come to the area earlier than the 4th-3rd centuries. (I gave the Yuezhi the credit of living at the Lake Juyan in the 4th-3rd centuries at  http://imperialchina.org/Barbarians.htm on basis of the excavated bamboo strips from the Lake Juyan area that showed that  the original Yuezhi people, after 80 years or 3-4 generations since the first Hunnic attack against them prior to 200 B.C.E., still lived in large numbers at the Lake Juyan.)

See Wang Guowei’s theory of invaders coming from the East while traders from the West for understanding the nature of the nine Zhaowu clans of the Yuezhi.

The space and time in the 4th century fiction MU-TIAN-ZI-ZHUAN, as detailed below, corroborates Zhou King Muwang’s travelogue as far as the itineraries were concerned, giving a convincing proof as to the extent of the boundaries that Zhou China possessed at about 1,000 B.C.  or at the time the book was actually written, namely, the 4th century B.C.E. As this webmaster is to detail below, Mu-tian-zi-Zhuan contained multiple divination-nature records, matching with the divination bamboo slips excavated in the 20th century.That is, the book was both written as a fiction from the divination perspective. Note that the value of Mu-tian-zi is not in the validity of the king’s actual trip to the Kumtag Deseart but in ascertaining the ancient Chinese knowledge of the Northwest China geography during the 4th-3rd century B.C.E., as well as in corroborating the multiple other legendary books such as Shi-zi and Shan Hai Jing – extraordinary books that contained description of the outer limits of the Sinitic World.

Zhou King Muwang was noted for defeating the barbarians, reaching today’s Qinhai-Gansu regions in the west, meeting with Queen Mother of West on Mt Kunlun [possibly around today's Dunhuang area], and then relocating the barbarians eastward to the starting point of the Jing-shui River for better management [in a similar fashion to Han Emperor Wudi's relocating the Southern Huns to the south of the north Yellow River Bend]. As to Zhou King Muwang’s travelogue, it could be a 4th century B.C.E. fiction that was built on the limited records from the early Zhou dynasty as well as the then-available knowledge about the northwestern frontier as of maybe the 4th century B.C.E. In another word, Zhou King Muwang, whose reign was about half a century, did not actually travel across the whole domain of China as the travelogue stated, but was admonished to discontinue the lavish travel and military conquests as history books Zuo Zhuan (Commentary on Zuo Qiming’s Spring and Autum Annals) or ZHU SHU JI NIAN (THE BAMBOO ANNALS) had recorded. Though, Zhou King Muwang did conduct campaigns against the barbarians to the northwest and rounded up the barbarians for resettlement at the origin of the Jing-shui/Wei-shui Rivers, which caused the other part of the [unconquered] barbarians to stop tributes or visits to the Zhou court as history recorded. Adopting historian Du Yu’s viewpoint [which was to bundle all groups of the barbarians under the same source, i..e, the San-miao exiles of the 3rd-4th millennium], the [conquered] barbarians, who resettled at the Jingshui and Wei-shui, could have moved east later to first be part of the Li-rong barbarians who sacked the Western Zhou capital Haojing and then crossed the East Yellow River Bend to be the so-called Bai-di and Chi-di barbarians, namely, the so-called Quan-rong barbarians that Zhou King Muwang purportedly met in today’s northwestern Shanxi Province in the travelogue.

ZHU SHU JI NIAN (THE BAMBOO ANNALS),  Mu-tian-zi (Zhou King Muwang) and Shan Hai Jing (The Legends of Mountains and Seas) contained some similar description of the ancient legends, with the first two books more closer than to the book SHAN HAI JING. This could mean that some texts that survived the book burning could have become the feed into the book SHAN HAI JING. The story that was carried in THE BAMBOO ANNALS and MU-TIAN-ZI-ZHUAN would be the count of the Yellow River.  Per THE BAMBOO ANNALS, between Shang ancestor Xie and Shang king Shang-tang, the Shang people, who enjoyed the conferral as marquis, was located somewhere in the northern part of today’s Shanxi-Hebei provinces. The events recorded would be the killing of Shang ancestor Wang-hai, a son of Marquis Yin-hou, in the hands of the You-yi-shi people who could be the origin for the Yi-shui [Yongding-he] River near today’s Peking. Marquis Yin-hou, to defeat the You-yi-shi state, had borrowed an army from Count He-bo, i.e., the conferred count [elder uncle] for the Yellow River – a figure who was cited in the legendary King Mu-wang’s travelogue as someone who had a hereditary title as guardian for the Yellow River at the Northern Yellow River Bend. ZHU SHU JI NIAN (THE BAMBOO ANNALS) stated that Wang-hai, who was a son of Marquis Yin-hou, was killed by You-yi-shi during the 12th year of Xia King Di-xie (reign 1730-1703 B.C.E.), and that Marqui Yin-hou, i.e., Wei, also known as Shang-jia [carrying the 'jia' stem, a hallmark of the Shang people], launched a campaign against You-yi-shi during the 16th year reign of Xia King Di-xie by borrowing the troops from He-bo or Count of the Yellow River. In the opinion of this webmaster, both Count He-bo and Xi-wang-mu (Queen Mother of the West), as well as Tang-shu [junior uncle Tang] appeared to be some hereditary titles.

Below will be interpretation of excerpts of Mu-tian-zi (the original Chinese text for Mu-tian-zi is available at http://www.shuku.net/novels/children/mutzizh/mutzizh01.html )

《卷一》  Volume I

While his father Zhou King Zhaowang had frustration campaigning against the southern barbarians [i.e., the O-3 haplogroup Hundred Pu people or the Hmong-mien people along the Han-shui River] and died on a sunken boat, Zhou King Muwang (r. 1001-946 BC) repeatedly campaigned against the north and northwest and extended the Chinese dynastic rule to as far as the Black Water Lake [Lake Juyan] at the edge of the Kumtag Desert. Mu-tian-zi, literally meaning the heavenly son Mu (Ji Man), was a fictional travelogue detailing the king’s travel to the North Yellow River Bend and then westward to the West Yellow River Bend and further westward to the Qilian Mountain and the Black Water Lake. Mu-tian-zi, a book that was buried in tomb at the time of Wei Principality King Xiangwang, was excavated together with ZHU SHU JI NIAN (THE BAMBOO ANNALS) during the Jinn Dynasty.

At the time of wù-yín (lunar calendar Oct 2), in the year of 947 B.C., the 16th year of the reign, Zhou King Muwang departed the capital city of Zongzhou (i.e., the original [ancestral] capital of Haojing near today’s Xi’an versus the later [accomplished] capital of Chengzhou [Luoyang]). For the sake of giving some sense to this fiction, this webmaster set the year at 947 B.C. for reconciling with the recorded year of the meeting with the Queen Mother in THE BAMBOO ANNALS. According to ZHU SHU JI NIAN (THE BAMBOO ANNALS) (《纪年》, Zhou King Muwang met with Queen Mother of the West during the 17th year’s reign, namely, 946 B.C., one year later. There was some missing texts about the departure, with the geographical concept for the Zhou capital city of Zongzhou in the Western Zhou Dynasty time period wrongly pinned to the Chengzhou city of the Eastern Zhou Dynasty time period, an error of the fiction writer who lived in the late Eastern Zhou’s Warring States time period.

Zhou King Muwang first took the trip east into the Linzhang-Handan-Xingtai area in today’s Hebei Province where he, after a drinking banquet, crossed the Zhang-he River. After another drinking banquet on top of Panshi (granite mountain), where there was the play of the ‘guang-yue’ fairy music, namely, the nine encore kind of music of the hundreds of gods above the ‘jun-tian’ central high sky, the king continued the trip. Riding on the chariot continuously [without letting go], Muwang arrived at the foot of the Xingchang Mountain (namely, the Jingxingshan Mountain, or the famous ancient locality of Changshan where Shu-han Dynasty General Zhao Zilong (Zhao Yun) was from, as well as one of the five deer-suffixed places of today’s Hebei Province), next to today’s Jingxing Coal Mine and the Shijiazhuang city. Muwang apparently took the same south-north route where the Chinese Communists repeatedly attacked the Hebei provincial government troops from 1938 to 1942 during the resistance war to thwart the Chinese government attempt at linking with the resistance fighters at Jehol-Chahar to the north and the Shandong peninsula to the east.  In the snowy weather, Muwang went hunting at the western slope of the Jingxingshan Mountain. Muwang apparently changed direction to the west, namely, today’s Zhengding-Taiyuan Railway, and took the route of penetrating into the Shanxi mountain area through Jingxing, namely, the route of the Niangziguan Pass, which the Japanese took in 1937 in a two-prong attack against Taiyuan.  Muwang then took the narrow mountain valley road towards the north, along which path littered the later five famous Chinese mountain passes from south to north, and travelled along the north riverbank of the Hutuo-he River.


庚辰,至于□觞天子于盘石之上〔觞者,所以进酒,因云觞耳〕,天子乃奏 广乐

,载立不舍 〔言在车上立不下也〕,至于钘常之下〔燕赵谓山脊为钘,即井钘山也, 今在常山石邑县。钘音邢〕。
癸未,雨雪,天子猎于钘山之西阿〔阿,山陂也〕。于是得绝钘山之队 〔队,谓谷中险阻道也,音遂〕,北循虖沱之阳〔虖沱河,今在雁门卤城县阳水 北。沲,音橐驼之驼〕。

Muwang, at today’s Pingshan, to the north of Jingxing, [where there was a pass that the Japanese army attacked as the northern east-west parallel prong to attack Jingxing], crossed the Hutuo River which changed direction to flow southeastward near the Wutaishan Mountain to flow into Hebei from the Shanxi province. Along the northern bank of Hutuo River, Muwang traveled northwestward to climb on top of a mountain [? the Wutaishan Mountain] and then went north to campaign against the Quan-rong barbarians. The Quan-rong chieftain gave a banquet to Muwang at the north bank of the Dangshui River, namely, the Hengshui River [恒水] (today’s  Sha-he River [沙河, the sandy River]), near Huping where Nie Rongzhen’s communist 8RA was headquartered in the late 1930s.

乙酉,天子北升于□,天子北征于犬戎〔《国语》曰:穆王将征犬戎,祭阝 公谋父谏,不从,遂征之。得四白狼、四白鹿以归,自是荒服不至。《纪年》又 曰:取其五王以东〕,犬戎□胡觞天子于当水之阳,天子乃乐,□赐七萃之士战 〔萃,集也,聚也,亦犹传有七舆。大夫皆聚集有智力者,为王之爪牙也〕。

Muwang, after taking a break owing to the cold weather from the northern wind, snow and rain, then moved westward to climb today’s Yanmenshan Mountain, where the Chinese troops resisted the Japanese’s southwestward advance in the 1937 Pingxingguan Campaign. Zhou King Muwang then arrived at the statelets of Yan-ju and Yu-zhi.

庚寅,北风雨雪〔《诗》曰:北风其凉,雨雪其雱〕。天子以寒之故,命王 属休〔令王之徒属休息也〕。

Dispute about the characters Yuzhi (愚知): Yu Taishan, using the unscientific soundex approach, had over-blown himself in extrapolating King Muwang’s travelogue to state that Zhou King Muwang had travelled to Chinese Turkestan, for example, where he met with the later-known [purported Indo-European] Yuezhi people. Following his soundex, you would have the misnomer Yu-zhi (愚知) living directly in today’s Shanxi Province during King Muwang’s time of 1000 B.C.E. around, which was fallacious on numerous fronts, including the false reading of the said book to be written in the 1000 B.C.E., not the more likely date that was just prior to the burial of the said book in Wei King Xiangwang (?-296 B.C.E.)’s tomb in the 3rd century B.C.E. See http://www.imperialchina.org/ImperialChina/?p=331 for records on the true locality of Yuezhi [Yue-zhi] in the The Legends of the Mountains and Seas. (Caution: The “sea” component of the book The Legends of the Mountains and Seas [Shan Hai Jing] could be a latter-day modification as it not only contained the ancient records on Lord Yu and the Xia people on the one hand but also the more recent developments from the late Warring States time period of Zhou Dynasty, such as the records on the locality of the Yan Principality, ancient Chaoxian [Korea] and ancient Wa Japan, as well as a Gai-guo statelet [which must be the origin for the Gaizhou or Gaixian locality on the Liaodong Peninsula] in-between. Hence, the description as to the locality of the Yuezhi beyond the Kumtag Desert could be a latter-day add-on as well, namely, a known event after the 3rd century B.C.E. Hun-Yuezhi War.)

After passing through a few tribal states, Muwang continued the western campaign and arrived at the land of the Peng-ren people, namely, the land of He-zong, namely, the ancestral fief of conferred lordship for the Yellow River. Count Peng-bo, by the name of Qi3. welcomed the king near some river estuary, and surrendered the tribute of leopard skin and horses. The king asked his [fictional] pet minister, called by Jing-li, to accept the gift. This Count Peng-bo could have derived from some ancient Peng-guo state that was situated near the Jinn Principality’s capital city of Yicheng (i.e., the wing city) in southern Shanxi but was later merged by the Jinn state. Around the inflection point of the Yellow River bends, on the date of gui-you (November 28 on the lunar calendar), Muwang spent one night near the Qi-ze Lake, fished in the Yellow River to the west and observed the river estuary. The next day, Muwang went hunting  at the Shen-ze Lake and obtained the skin of white fox and black raccoon as sacrifice for the deity of the Yellow River. Then Muwang hastened the westward trip, drank water at the Yellow River’s cliff riverbank on the new year’s date, bing-wu, i.e., January 1 on the lunar calendar, in the year of 985 B.C. The king met the six columns of army to the south of the Peng-ren people’s domain and near the Shenn-ze Lake. The king, on the date of wu-yin (February 4 on the lunar calendar), in the year of 985 B.C., hastily arrived at the Yangyu Mountain, the land of Wuyi [Fengyi or Bingyi], where Bo-yao (Count of the Yellow River) reigned. Bo-yao welcomed the king at the mountain and gave the gift of silk and jade.  The king ordered minister Ji-fu to accept it.

辛丑,天子西征,至于崩阝人。〔崩阝,国名。音叵肯切〕。河宗之子孙崩阝 柏絮〔伯爵,絮名,古伯字多从木〕,且逆天子于智之□先豹皮十,良马二六 〔古者为礼,皆有以先之,《传》曰:先进乘韦〕,天子使井利受之〔井利,穆 王之嬖臣〕。
丙午,天子饮于河水之阿〔阿,水崖也〕,天子属六师之人于崩阝邦之南, 渗泽之上〔属犹会也〕。
戊寅,天子西征,鹜行至于阳纡之山〔鹜犹驰也。纡音呕〕,河伯无夷之所 都居〔无夷,冯夷也。《山海经》云冰夷〕,是惟河宗氏〔河,四渎之宗,主河 者因以为氏〕。河宗柏夭逆天子燕然之山〔伯夭,字也〕,劳用束帛加璧〔劳,郊劳也。五两为一束,两,今之二丈〕。先白□天子使祭阝父受之〔祭阝父,祭阝公谋父,作析招之诗者〕。

At Yanran-shan Mountain (not the same name mountain that later denoted the Khangai Mountain of today’s Outer Mongolia, and was said to be Mount Yinshan per Yu Taishan), Muwang hosted an imperial ceremony on top of the Yanran mountain, near the Yellow River slope. The king put on the ceremonial clothes and costumes, albeit using the terminologies for the accessories that were only known in the Warring States time period, like more than half a millennium after the king’s time. In the cold weather, the king faced the south, with the sorcerer at the side. The sacrifice of animals was made. The king gave a jade to Bo-yao who turned west to sink it into the Yellow River. Animals were sunk into the river, too. Bo-yao, who was the ‘he-zong’ or the lord of the Yellow River, in the name of the ‘huang-tian-zi’ deity or the grandiose Heaven emperor, called out the king’s name by ‘Ji Maan’ -which was a wrong protocol usage as far as the first name of the king was concerned. Bo-yao gave the order to the king to visit Kunlun for inspecting on Mt. Chongshan (i.e., rice milling mountain) treasures and scenes. The king accepted the high lord’s order, bowing to the south. The king then had another ceremony on top of ‘Huang-zhi-shan’ or the yellow mountain, where he examined the maps and books. The king and the count of the Yellow River went over the king’s treasured tools, carriers, utensils and animals. Bo-yao submitted ‘he-dian’ or the Yellow River secret books. Bo-yao, riding on his ‘qu-huang’ chariot, took the lead of the western-most trek for the king.


With Bo-yao (Count of the Yellow River) as guide, Muwang continued the trip to the west, and crossed the Yellow River on the date of yi-chou (March 21 on the lunar calendar), with the river inferred here being possibly one of the multiple “marshland rivers” at the northwestern Yellow River inflection point.

DISPUTE: Per Jin Yufei, Yangyu Mountain could be located inside the sheath area. If that was the case, then it would be to say that Muwang’s crossing of the ‘East’ Yellow River Bend was initially not detailed and that the subsequent notation about river crossing would be that of the ‘West’ Yellow River Bend. If that was the case, Muwang would be travelling inside of the sheath area and along the ‘south’ bank of the North Yellow River Bend. What Mu-tian-zi wrote down as Yangyu was later inferred by a few ancient scholars to be Chiyang, which was to say it was kind of inside central-northern Shenxi, near San-yuan, which would be even more erroneous.         –Both Jin Yufei’s speculation above and the ancient scholar’s pinpoint towards Chiyang could be wrong. As Mu-tian-zi’s subsequent chapter on the return trip clearly pointed out,  Muwang, on the date of Gui-chou (August 18 on the lunar calendar) in year 984 B.C., escorted Count Bo-yao back to his home, which was said to be the point where the Yellow River flew southward, i.e., the inflection point of the North Yellow River Bend and the EastYellow River Bend. What could be the truth here was that the inflection point of the Western Yellow River Bend and the Northern Yellow River Bend was inferred to be the start of the flow of the Yellow River –because the water flow was too slow to be counted as the real Yellow River along today’s Western Yellow River Bend, a segment people could easily float across on sheep-skin rafts. Mu-tian-zi, back and forth, pointed to this northwestern inflection point as the start of the Yellow River, while the northeastern inflection point was where Bo-yao’s homeland was. In another word, Count Bo-yao’s land extended throughout the Northern Yellow River Bend. (Flowing south along the Eastern Yellow River Bend, there were segments of the river that were navigable for ships, which were at one time utilized during the 1937-45 resistance war time period.)


Mu-tian-zi continued to say that after crossing the Yellow River, Muwang arrived at the land of Wen’gu (温谷), namely, the “warm [crop] valley” [or a true warm spring versus another Chinese term for the hot spring, i.e., 'tang gu'], and further stated that this place also belonged to Count Yao (the Count of the Yellow River),  i.e., Bo-yao. (The [Yellow] River that King Muwang crossed was said to be a parallel river course to the eastern segment of the present North Yellow River Bend per Yu Taishan. This webmaster deduce that near today’s northwestern Yellow River inflexion point, there could have existed marshlands and multiple river courses that switched back and forth to become the trunk line of the Yellow River at a certain time in history.)

□爰有温谷乐都〔温谷,言冬暖也。燕有寒谷,不生 五谷〕,河宗氏所居〔伯夭之别州邑〕。

After crossing the river to the west, the king ordered to inspect on the treasures obtained so far. The king ordered minister ‘Jiao-fu’ to take commands, to have the eight stallions drink at a pond near the southern river at the piled-up mountain. The king made a self-blame for the indulgence in the travel and pleasures, and questioned whether the people would talked about his blunders in the future. The king’s bodyguards said that the king should not worry about it as the people in the future would understand that the people were enjoying happy life under the king’s reign.

丙寅,天子属官效器〔会官司阅所得珤物〕。乃命正公郊父〔正公,谓三 上公,天子所取正者,郊父为之〕受敕宪〔宪,教令也。《管子》曰:皆受宪〕, 用伸八骏之乘〔八骏名在下〕,以饮于枝洔之中〔水岐成洔,洔,小渚也, 音止〕,积石之南河〔积石,山名,今在金成河关县南,河出北山而东南流〕。
天子之骏〔骏者,马之美称〕:赤骥〔世所谓骐骥〕、盗骊〔为马细颈。骊,黑 色也〕、白义、踰轮、山子、渠黄、华骝〔色如华而赤,今名骠赤者为枣骝。八骏皆因其毛色以为名号 耳。案《史记》造父为穆王得盗骊、华骝、绿耳之马,御以西巡游,见西王母, 乐而忘归,皆与此同,若合符契〕。天子之御:造父、三百〔下云:三百为御者〕、 耿翛、芍及〔造父善御,穆王封之于赵城,馀未闻也〕。曰:“天子是与出□入薮,田猎钓弋。”天子曰:“于乎!予一人不盈于德,而辨于乐,后世亦追数吾过乎!”七萃之士□天子曰:“后世所望,无失天常。农工既得,男女衣食。百姓宝富,官人执事。故天有时,民□氏响。□何谋于乐?何意之忘?与民共利,以为常也。”天子嘉之,赐以左佩华也。乃再拜顿首。

From here onward, Yu Taishan was to treat the locality of Ji-shi (积石 piled-up mountain) to be somewhere near the ancient mythical point of origin for the Yellow River, and further tried to match the five rivers around Kunlun to include the “Nan-he” (the southern trunk line of the Yellow River) that was recorded to flow out of “bei-shan” [northern mountain] towards the southeastern direction. This sudden jump in geographical distance from today’s northwestern Yellow River inflection point, which could not be reconciled unless you insist that there were considerable passages of Mu-tian-zi text that got lost, is fallacious. Here, in the view of this webmaster, Yu Taishan made a mistake in mixing up the mythical Ji-shi (积石 piled-up mountain) to the south of today’s Qilian Mountain [part of the Kunlun mythical land] with the historical Ji-shi (积石 piled-up mountain) at today’s northwestern Yellow River inflection point.

The correct reading of the southeastern flow of the “Nan-he” (southern trunk line of the Yellow River), in this webmaster’s opinion, should be attributing this particular ”Nan-he” [southern river], i.e., the (southern trunk line of the Yellow River), to the fact that there was the sudden change of direction of today’s Yellow River, from the south-north flow along today’s Western Yellow River Bend to the [roughly] west-east or exactly northwest-southeast direction of today’s Northern Yellow River Bend.


More, there appear to exist multiple localities for Ji-shi (积石 piled-up mountain), the same as multiple localities for Jie-shi (碣石 stone tablets) in China. According to 叶方恒 in 卷九十六工政二河防一, Lord Yu, when working on flood control, had treated the Yellow River the top river to be tamed; Lord Yu started the work from the point of Ji-zhi [piled-up mountain] to the point of Long-men [dragon gate] which was near Mt Lvliangshan; and the direction of the Yellow River started from Ji-shi (积石 piled-up mountain), flew “northeastward (东北)” or alternatively in the actual northwest-southeast direction of the North Bend [towards today's northeastern Yellow River inflexion point, of course), and then charged course to the south () along today's Eastern Yellow River Bend, of course, which was to be known as 'xi he' or the West River. -So, there is no slight doubt to this webmaster that the Ji-shi (积石 piled-up mountain) reference here had to be some piled up rocks mountain at today's northwestern Yellow River inflexion point. Namely, this is not the same as the Lesser Jishi [小積石] in Jincheng [金成河關縣], a county near today’s Linxia (临夏) and Lanzhou on the bank of the Yellow River, nor the Greater Jishi [大積石] in Maqu (玛曲) of Qinghai, to the south of today’s Qilian Mountain [part of the Kunlun mythical land] and near the Yellow River nine-winding area.

More evidence about the locality of Ji-shi [積石]:


《卷二》Volume II

Volume 2 was about the travelogue of Zhou King Muwang at the Kunlun hill.

Mu-tian-zi-zhuan also inferred that Bo-yao (Count of the Yellow River) lived at the land of the origin of the Yellow River.  This, in this webmaster’s opinion, could mean that the Yellow River, at the very origin in the grasslands and along the most part of the West Yellow River Bend, was so slow that it was not in a sense considered a real river. Hence, the origin of the Yellow River started around the inflection point of the Western Yellow River Bend and  the Northern Western Yellow River Bend.

What Mu-tian-zi-zhuan inferred from the mouth of Bo-yao, i.e., the Count of the Yellow River, there was one person from the Shang dynasty’s lineage, by the name of ‘Mo-zhou’, who was assigned the land to the north of the North Yellow River Bend.

柏夭曰:□封膜昼于河水之阳〔膜昼,人名。膜音莫〕,以为殷人主〔主, 谓主其祭祀,言同姓也〕。

Towards the southwest direction, the king climbed up to see an ancient lord’s ruins, where there were the big trees, luxuriant grass, and beasts. Days later, the king traveled further to a place where the locals surrendered wine to the king. After drinking, the king continued his way, and spent the night at the foot of Kunlun and on the northern riverbank of the Chi-shui River. The king spent three days at the Zhen-niao bird’s mountain.

丁巳,天子西南升□之所主居〔似说古之贤圣所居〕。爰有大木硕草〔硕,大也〕。爰有野兽,可以畋猎。戊午,●□之人居虑献酒百□于天子。天子已饮而行,遂宿于昆仑之阿,赤水之阳〔昆仑山有五色水,赤水 出东南隅而东北流。皆见《山海经》〕。爰有<垔鸟>鸟之山〔<垔鸟>音甄,一音栴〕, 天子三日舍于<垔鸟>鸟之山。

At the slope of Kunlun, and on the north bank of Chi-shui (Red River, said to be one of five different colored rivers in the area), where the Chi-shui River came from the southeastern direction, made an inflection, and then flowed to the northeastern direction. (A brief check of the map would pinpoint the tri-provincial area of Inner Mongolia, Ningxia and Gansu, namely, from Jingyuan to Shimen to Zhongwei, as fitting in with the recorded pattern for the Yellow River, not the Red River. Per Jin YufeiKunlun-shan could be an altar somewhere between today’s Yinchuan and Qingtongxia. Per Jin Yufei, Kunlun was a small hill that was later appropriated to mean a different mountain.)

–Note Kunlun-shan (昆仑山, i.e., mountain) was not the same as Kunlun-xu (昆仑虛, i.e., remains or ruins), nor Kunlun-qiu (昆仑之丘, i.e., hill). See below for the ultimate destination of Kunlun-shan (昆仑山, i.e., mountain) where the Queen Mother lived.

On a propitious day (i.e., ‘xin you), the king climbed up the Kunlun-zhi-qiu hill to observe the Yellow Overlord’s palace. The king ordered to add mud on top of the mausoleumn-kin of the round burial ground for sake of propagating the message of reverence to the future people. Days later, the king prepared the animals for making sacrifice to the Kunlun hill.

□吉日辛酉,天子升于昆仑之丘,以观黄帝之宫〔黄 帝巡游四海,登昆仑山,起宫室于其上。见《新语》〕,而封□隆之葬〔隆上字 疑作丰,丰隆,筮御云得大壮卦,遂为雷师。亦犹黄帝桥山有墓。封,谓增高其 上土也,以标显之耳〕,以诏后世〔诏谓语之〕。癸亥,天子具蠲齐牲全,以禋□昆仑之丘。

Muwang campaigned to the north, stopped at Zhu-ze (the pearl lake) and fished at the Liu-shui River. Returning south, Muwang climbed Kunlun on the date of xin-you (May 18 on the lunar calendar). At Kunlun Hill, there was a palace from the Huangdi (Yellow Overlord) era, which was located to the north of the Red River and to the south of Chong-shan Mountain.

甲子,天子北征,舍于珠泽〔此泽出珠,因名之云。今越巂平泽出青珠是〕, 以钓于氵不水。曰:珠泽之薮,方三十里〔泽中有草者为薮〕。爰有雚、苇、莞、蒲,茅、萯、蒹、葽。乃献白玉□只,□角之一,□三,可以□沐。乃进食,□酒十□,姑劓九□。亓味中麋胄而滑。因献食马三百,牛羊三千。

天子□昆仑〔此以上似说封人于昆仑山旁〕,以守黄帝之宫。南司赤水而北 守舂山之珤〔欲以崇表圣德,因用显其功迹〕。天子乃赐□之人□吾,黄金之 环三五〔空边等为环〕,朱带贝饰三十〔《淮南子》曰“贝带鵕鸃”,是也〕, 工布之四。□吾乃膜拜而受〔今之胡人礼佛,举手加头,称南膜拜者,即此类也。

Muwang then went north to Chong-shan Mountain which was said to be a place of blossom and plush, rich in jades,  and full of birds and beasts. Mu-tian-zi continued to state that there was an imperial garden there, with the character ‘xian’ possibly inter-exchangeable to ‘xuan’ to mean a hanging-in-the-sky garden. (Per Jin Yufei, Chong-shan was part of the three-peak Helanshan Mountain Range.)

孳木华不畏雪。天子于是取孳木华之实,持归种之(孳音滋),曰:舂山之泽, 清水出泉,温和无风〔炁条适也〕,飞鸟百兽之所饮食,先王所谓县圃

天子于是得玉荣枝斯之英〔英,玉之精华也。《尸子》 曰“龙泉有玉英”,《山海经》曰“黄帝乃取密山之玉荣而投之钟山之阳”,是 也〕,曰:舂山,百兽之所聚也,飞鸟之所栖也。

Zhou King Muwang then continued the westward campaign, and reached the land of Chi-wu-shi (red and black tribe) on the date of jia-xu (June 2 on the lunar calendar), who were descendants of the lead (‘zhang []) court minister under the Zhou Dynasty’s Grand King Danfu [Tanfu], by the name of Ji Chuo [季绰], the same way as Zhou’s conferral of elder (yuan []) son to the Yangtze River delta, and further gave his elder daughter to Ji Chuo [季绰] as wife. (丌璧臣: =笄,璧=玉器 => meaning protocol official. Ji Chuo [季绰] appeared to be a royal family member who became a son-in-law.) What this meant here was word for word, namely, the Chi-wu-shi Tribe was related to the Zhou family and had been living on the west bank of the Western Yellow River Bend since the beginning.

(Per Jin Yufei, Chi-wu-shi’s Chong-shan was to the west of the Chong-shan [i.e., Helanshan Mountain Range].)


甲戌,至于赤乌。赤乌之人丌献酒千斛于天子。食马九百,羊牛三千,穄 麦百载〔穄,似黍而不黏〕。天子使祭父受之,曰:赤乌氏先出自周宗〔与周 同始祖〕,大王亶父〔即古公亶父字也〕之始作西土〔言作兴于岐山之下。今邑 在扶风美阳是也〕,封其元子吴太伯于东吴〔太伯让国入吴,因即封之于吴〕, 诏以金刃之刑〔南金精利,故语其刑法也〕,贿用周室之璧〔贿,赠贿也〕,封 丌璧臣长季绰于舂山之虱,妻以元女,诏以玉石之刑〔昆仑山出美玉石处,故以 语之〕,以为周室主。天子乃赐赤乌之人丌默乘四〔周礼,大夫乘墨车〕,黄金 四十镒〔二十两为镒〕,贝带五十,朱三百裹。丌乃膜拜而受〔裹,音罪过之过。
丌,名。赤乌,人名也〕,曰:□山,是唯天下之良山也。珤玉之所在。嘉谷 生之,草木硕美。天子于是取嘉禾,以归树于中国〔汉武帝取外国香草美菜种之 中国〕。

庚辰,济于洋水〔洋水,出昆仑山西北隅而东流。洋,音详〕。辛巳,入于曹奴之人戏,觞天子于洋水之上〔戏,国人名也〕,乃献食马九 百,牛羊七千,穄米百车。天子使逢固受之〔逢固,周大夫〕。

King Muwang crossed the Yang-shui [洋水] River [which originated to the northwest of the Kunlun Hill, and flew eastward]. After receiving tribute from the Cao-nu [曹奴] people at Yang-shui, Muwang further campaigned to the north, and then returned from the eastern direction. Muwang then went to Hei-shui (black river, 黑水) on the date of jia-shen (June 12 on the lunar calendar), which was apparently neither the Black Water River that flew down the northern slope of Qilian Mountain to enter the Black Water Lake at the Inner Mongolia border with Chinese Turkestan, nor the Black River south of Mt. Qilianshan and located in northern Sichuan Province. The Black River was said by Mu-tian-zi to be one of the five rivers there, which originated to the northwest of the Kunlun Hill but flew towards the southeast. At the Xi-he (? the west river segment) of the Black River, Zhou King Muwang officially assigned the land to the Chang-gong-shi (长肱) people, namely, the people with long arms but a same-length body as the Chinese.

甲申,至于黑水〔水亦出昆仑山西北隅而东南流〕,西膜之所谓鸿鹭〔西膜, 沙漠之乡。以言外域,人名物与中华不同。春秋叔弓败莒师于濆水,《穀梁传》 曰“狄人谓濆泉失名,号从中国,名从主人”之类也〕,于是降雨七日,天子留 骨六师之属〔穆王马骏而御良,故行辄出从众前〕。天子乃封长肱于黑水之西河 〔即长臂人也。身如中国,臂长三丈,魏时在赤海中得此人裾也。长脚人国,又 在赤海东,皆见《山海经》〕,是惟昆仑鸿鹭之上,以为周室主。是曰留胥之邦 〔因以名之〕。
辛卯,天子北征,东还,乃循黑水。癸巳,至于群玉之山〔即《山海经》: 玉山,西王母所居者〕,容成氏之所守。曰:群玉田山,□知,阿平无险〔言边 无险阻也〕,四彻中绳(言皆平实),先王之所谓策府(言往古帝王以为藏书册 之府,所谓藏之名山者也),寡草木而无鸟兽〔言纯玉石也〕。

Muwang again campaigned to the north and returned along the Black Water River from the eastern direction. Muwang on the date of gui-si (June 21 on the lunar calendar) arrived at the Mountains of Jade, i.e., the land of the Rong-cheng-shi (容成氏) people. (Per comments from ancient scholars such as Guo Pu, the jade mountain was the dwelling place of Queen Mother of the West, which could alternatively mean that Queen Mother of the West had a domain covering the whole area west of the Western Yellow River Bend.) Per Jin Yufei, this would be western slope of the northern part of the Helanshan Mountain, which was to the northeast of Chi-wu-shi’s Chong-shan Mountain. Muwang continued the campaign to the north to reach a place called Yuling (feather ridge, 羽陵).

Thereafter on the date of xin-chou (June 29 on the lunar calendar) Muwang went west to Ji-lv-shi ( 剞闾)’s land, i.e., Tieshan (iron mountain, 铁山). –Note somewhere there, there was a so-called iron pass that the later Tanguts had defended against Genghis Khan’s Mongols to the extent that the Mongols had to go straight west to detour around the Black Water lake and travel through the Tengri-Badanjilin Deserts for attacking the Western Yellow River Bend from the west.

孟秋丁酉,天子北征,□之人潜旹〔潜旹,名也〕,觞天子于羽陵 之上,乃献良马牛羊。




鄄韩之人无凫乃 献良马百匹,服牛三百〔服,可服用者〕,良犬七千〔良调习者〕,牥牛二百, 野马三百,牛羊二千,穄麦三百车。天子乃赐之黄金银罂四七,贝带五十,朱 三百裹。变□雕官。无凫上下乃膜拜而受〔疑古上下字,今夷狄官多复名〕。


Muwang then marched west to reach the Juan-han-shi (鄄韩氏) land.  Muwang continued west to reach Xuan-chi (black pond, 玄池), and further west to Kushan (‘ku’ grass mountain, 苦山). Further west, Muwang lived at the Huangshu-shan (Citellus dauricus squirrel, 黄鼠之山) Mountain. After that, Muwang on the date of gui-hai (July 22 on the lunar calendar) reached the country of the Queen Mother of the West, which was Kunlun-qiu (i.e., the Hill of Kunlun).

丙辰,至于苦山,西膜之所谓茂苑。天子于是休猎,于是食苦〔苦,草名, 可食〕。

According to ZHU SHU JI NIAN (THE BAMBOO ANNALS) (《纪年》), Zhou King Muwang met with Queen Mother of the West during the 17th year’s reign, namely, 946 B.C.

《纪年》 “穆王十七年,西征,至昆仑丘,见西王母。其年来见,宾于昭宫”。

Before the meeting with Queen Mother of the West, there was a missing passage about the western Xia people. As stated from Chapter 4, from Yangyu-shan to Xixia-shi’s land, there was a distance of 2,500 ancient li, and from Xixia-shi to Zhu-yu-shi’s land (He-shou, i.e., origin of the Yellow River), there was a distance of 1,500 ancient li. Here, the name Xi-xia-shi [i.e., the western Xia people], who were inferred to be living near the origin of the Yellow River, namely, the northwestern inflection point, appeared to this webmaster to be a latter-day add-on, namely, it was a terminology that was in shape after the Tanguts launched the Western Xian dynasty in A.D. 1038. Per Jin Yufei, Xiang-shan Mountain would be Zhuo-zi-shan (table mountain) at today’s Wuhai, Inner Mongolia. More, this web,aster believed that the number of summary leagues here, like the terminology Xi-xia or western Xia, were all latter historians’ annotation.

Now, the place of naming for Kunlun-qiu here is being disputed. We noted previously that Kunlun-shan (昆仑山, i.e., mountain) was not the same as Kunlun-xu (昆仑虛, i.e., remains or ruins), nor Kunlun-qiu (昆仑之丘, i.e., hill). There was a reference to Kunlun-qiu (昆仑之丘, i.e., hill) previously, which was inferred to be an altar on today’s Helanshan Mountain Range, that was from the Yellow Lord’s era. Zhou King Muwang’s ultimate destination of Kunlun-qiu (昆仑丘, i.e., hill) [not Kunlun-zhi-qiu (昆仑之丘, i.e., hill)] , where the Queen Mother lived, was apparently a stony palace on today’s Mt. Qilian-shan.

This webmaster wants to emphasize the importance of correctly pinpointing the geographical naming. There was an unfounded wild claim that the Yuezhi, who was inferred to be the misnomer Indo-European, were involved in the jade trade with Sinitic China since prehistory, and that Yang Boda, a jade con artist from modern-China’s commodity world, claimed that the ancient Chinese jade as excavated in Shang queen Fuhao’s tomb were from Khotan on basis of two sentences in China’s history books:
Book 1 – Guan-zi – which Ma Feibai had pierced to be a forgery. The book juxtaposed the pearls from the Yangtze with the jade from the [fabricated] Yu-shi tribe. This webmaster had debunked the myth that Qi Lord Huan’gong ever campaigned across the Kumtag Desert to state that there was no such thing as the Yuezhi or misnomer Yu-shi people being engaged in the jade trade at all.
Book 2 – Li Si’s “《谏逐客书》” etc – where the reference was that the ancient jade was termed Kunshan-yue or the jade from the Kunshan Mountain. This webmaster had analyzed Mu-tian-zi’s travelogue here to conclude that the ancient Chinese were referring to the Helanshan range on the bank of the West Yellow River Bend and the Qilian Mountain at the Western Corridor to be Mt. Kunshan, with at minimun two Kunlun-qiu (昆仑丘, i.e., hill) identified. Th Kumtag Desert was still the Outer Limit of Sinitic China. Zhang Qian’s trip to the west was taken as PIERCING THE VACUUM in China’s history. Han emperor Wudi, after arguing with ministers, finally made his call in designating the Khotan jade as Mt. Kunlun jade. (Wudi’s original intention was to seek out immortals on Mt Kunlun.) Prior to Wudi’s naming, we Chinese called this mountain south of the Taklamakan by NAN-SHAN or the Southern Mountain, a name that was apparently appropriated to the west from the original ZHONG-NAN-SHAN [i.e., the ultimate southern mountain], or the Qinling Ridge, south of the ancient capital of Xi’an. (Historian Sima Qian correctly defined the Kunlun Mountain as a mythical land, not a physical place: 司马迁《史记-大宛列传》:“太史公曰:《禹本纪》言河出昆仑。昆仑其高二千五百余里,日月所相避隐为光明也。其上有丰泉瑶池。今自张骞使大夏之后也,穷河源,恶睹本纪所谓昆仑者乎?故言九州山川,《尚书》近之矣。至《禹本纪》《山海经》所有怪物,余不敢言之也。”)

《卷三》Volume III

Zhou King Muwang, after the banquet with Queen Mother of the West, made a promise to return in three years: 比及三年,将复而野〔复反此野而见汝也〕.  Muwang inscribed the sentence, the Hill of Queen Mother of the West [ 西王母之山〔言是西王母所居也〕], for recording the event. Here, we had some new evidence from excavated bamboo slips to show that Mu-tian-zi-Zhuan or the book Zhou King Muwang’s Travelogue was possibly a divination nature book. In the excavated bamboo slips, there were multiple divination statements matching Mu-tian-zi-Zhuan’s records, including the record on the long distance travel to see Queen Mother of the West.

Zhou King Muwang then traveled north towards the Black Water Lake, namely, what was noted by 《山海经》as a big lake with birds dwelling around it, and what was noted by ZHU SHU JI NIAN (THE BAMBOO ANNALS) 《纪年》 as the land where birds’ feathers lay around an area extending for one thousand li distance.

《纪年》曰“穆王北征,行积羽千里”,皆谓此野耳〕。曰:天 子三月舍于旷原,天子大飨正公、诸侯、王,勤七萃之士〔勤,犹劳也〕,于羽 琌之上〔下有羽陵,疑亦同〕,乃奏广乐。□。六师之人翔畋于旷原〔翔,犹 游也〕,得获无疆〔无疆,无限也〕,鸟兽绝群〔言取尽也〕。六师之人大畋九 日,乃驻于羽陵之□,收皮效物〔物,谓物色也。《诗》云“九十维物”〕,债 车受载〔债,犹借也〕。天子于是载羽百车〔十羽为箴,百羽为縳,十縳为 緷。见《周官》〕。

ZHU SHU JI NIAN (THE BAMBOO ANNALS) was commented to have inferred that King Muwang spent three months  at the wilderness, exhausting beasts and birds after an extensive hunting in the area. At Yuling (feather ridge [hill], 羽陵), which had to be near the lakeside and had to be the same Yuling that was mentioned in the first section of the travelogue – prior to the 360-degree clockwise trek, Muwang stayed for nine days. (This could mean that King Muwang had in fact traveled a whole circle to reach Yuling clockwise, the same place he first reached from the Kunlun[-xu] locality.) Carting away feather in one hundred carts, Zhou King Muwang returned towards the east at the date of ji-hai (Dec 30 on the lunar calendar). On the date of geng-zi (January 1st on the lunar calendar), in the year of 984 B.C., Zhou King Muwang arrived at [?]-shan Mountain (□之山) in advance, resting to wait for the arrival of his six columns of army to catch up.

天子于是载羽百车〔十羽为箴,百羽为縳,十縳为 緷。见《周官》〕。己亥,天子东归,六师□起。

Subsequently, on the date of geng-chen (庚辰, i.e., February 12 on the lunar calendar), Zhou King Muwang mounted an eastern [i.e., return] campaign and on the date of gui-wei (癸未, i.e., February 15 on the lunar calendar) arrived at Wu-shan (戊 山), the land of Zhi-shi (智氏). Zigzagging southward and eastward and back and forth, Zhou King Muwang returned towards Sinitic China. In probably the same fashion as the Mongols did in penetrating the Tengri/Badanjilin Deserts to attack the Tanguts from the west, Zhou King Muwang went through the deserts. Muwang continued the trip home, arriving at the Xian-shui (献水) River, and moving eastward and then southeastward to reach Gua-lu-shan (瓜纑) Mountain on the date of ji-hai (己亥, i.e., March 1 on the lunar calendar), which was the land of the people of E-shi [阏氏, Yan-shi in modern pronunciation, with possibility of a misnomer link to the later Yuezhi people] and Hu-shi [胡氏]. Moving eastward through the deserts, on the date of xin-chou (辛丑, namely, March 3 on the lunar calendar), Muwang had to drink horse’s blood to quell thirst at a place without water or a desert with watery sand, namely, 沙衍.

己亥,至于瓜纑之山,三周若城〔言山周匝三重,状如城垒〕。阏氏胡氏〔阏, 音遏〕之所保。天子乃遂征,绝沙衍〔沙衍,水中有沙者〕。

[There was a possible gap or lost text between the end of chapter three and the beginning of chapter four. Nevertheless, the trip after collecting the feathers explicitly stated that the direction was to the east and south or to the southeast, which is to say that there is no likelihood that Zhou King Muwang ever crossed the Kumtag Desert to travel westward into the territories of today's Chinese Turkestan.]

《卷四》Volume IV

[There was a possible gap or lost text between the end of chapter three and the beginning of chapter four. The following dates could be either the month of April or a different month like June.]

On the date of geng-chen ([June] 13 on the lunar calendar), Zhou King Muwang arrived at the Tao-shui (滔水) River, the river where the Zhuo-yao-shi (浊繇氏) people made their living by fishing. The Legends of the Mountains and Seas claimed that Tao-shui could be the San-zhuo [三淖] River where the Kun-wu-shi [昆吾氏] people lived. (Note that ZHU SHU JI NIAN (THE BAMBOO ANNALS) stated that the Kun-wu-shi [昆吾氏] people were once the imperial guards of the Xia dynasty, the same as the ancestors of the Qin people acting as imperial guards of the Shang dynasty.) On the date of bing-xu (丙戌, i.e., June 19 on the lunar calendar), Zhou King Muwang reached the western border of the Chong-shi (重氏) clan, whom Count Bo-yao claimed would be descendants of the San-miao-shi people whom the ancient overlord Shun had exiled to the western Kumtag borderline from the mid-Yangtze/Han-shui River area. –Chong-shi [重氏] had to be the same as Chong-li-shi, namely, the guardian god of the southern Chinese, including the [O3-haplogroup Hmong-mien/Hundred Pu] people of the later Chu Principality.  On the date of geng-yin (June 23 on the lunar calendar), Muwang reached the bank of the Hei-shui (Black Water, 黑水) River, namely, the land of the Chong-shi (重氏) people.

庚辰,至于滔水。浊繇氏之所食〔《山海经》曰“有川名曰三淖,昆吾之所 食”亦此类〕。  辛巳,天子东征。  癸未,至于苏谷。骨飦氏之所衣被〔言谷中有草木皮,可以为衣被〕,乃 遂南征,东还。  丙戌,至于长,重氏之西疆〔疆,界也〕。

The Hei-shui (Black Water) River, where the Chong-shi people lived, appeared to be an west-to-east [not the south-north flowing river that is known as the E-ji-na River today, a river where water flows down the northern slope of the Qilian Mountain to feed into the Black Water Lake]. More, the Hei-shui (Black Water) River as recorded in Chapter 4 must be the same as that mentioned in Chapter 1, which was said to have origin to the northwest of the Kunlun Hill and flew southeastward, being part of the five rivers around the Kunlun Hill. –This pointed to King Muwang’s travel encompassing the whole circle that included today’s Tengri and Bayin deserts. As to this west-to-east Black River, it could have been buried by the sand already by now.

丁亥,天子升于长,乃遂东征。  庚寅,至于重氏黑水之阿。爰有野麦〔自然生也〕,爰有荅堇〔祇谨 二音〕,西膜之所谓木禾〔木禾,谷类也。长五寻,大五围。见《山海经》〕。  重氏之所食。爰有采石之山〔出文采之石也〕,重氏之所守,曰: 枝斯,璿瑰〔璿瑰,玉名。《左传》曰:赠我以璿瑰。旋回两音〕。<王殳>瑶〔亦 玉名,瑶音遥〕,琅玕〔石似珠也。琅干两音〕,玪〔皆 玉名,字皆无闻。玪音钤瓆〕,玗琪〔玉属也,于其二音〕, 尾〔无闻焉〕,凡好石之器于是出〔尽出此山〕。  孟秋癸巳,天子命重氏共食天子之属〔音供,言不及六师也〕。五日 丁酉,天子升于采石之山,于是取采石焉。天子使重之民,铸以成器于黑 水之上〔今外国人所铸作器者,亦皆石类也〕。

乙丑,天子东征,送天子至于长沙之山。□只,天子使柏夭受 之。柏夭曰:重氏之先,三苗氏之□处,以黄木银采,□乃膜拜而 受〔三苗,舜所窜于三危山者〕。

On the date of yi-chou (乙丑, i.e., July 29 on the lunar calendar),  the Chong-shi people escorted Zhou King Muwang to Changsha-shan Mountain (长沙之山). On the date of ji-si (己巳, i.e., August 4 on the lunar calendar), Zhou King Muwang arrived at Wenshan (文山) Mountain, with ‘wen’ meaning the ingrained marks on the stones. Muwang spent three days collecting the colored stones. On the date of ren-yin (壬寅, i.e., August 7 on the lunar calendar), King Muwang had a drinking banquet on Mt Wenshan. The people of Wenshan surrendered 10 horses, 300 oxen, 90 dogs, 200 desert-traveling camel-like oxen (i.e., single hump camel).

丙寅,天子东征,南还。  己巳,至于文山,西膜之所谓□,觞天子于文山。西膜之人乃献食马三百, 牛羊二千,穄米千车,天子使毕矩受之,曰:□天子三日游于文山。于是取采 石〔以有采石,故号文山〕。  壬寅,天子饮于文山之下,文山之人归遗〔归遗,名也〕乃献良马十驷〔四 马为驷〕,用牛三百,守狗九十,牥牛二百,以行流沙〔此牛能行流沙中,如 橐驼〕。天子之豪马豪牛〔豪,犹髦也。《山海经》云“髦马如马,足四节皆有 毛”〕,尨狗〔尨,尨茸,谓猛狗。或曰尨亦狗名〕。豪羊,〔似髦牛〕以三十 祭文山。又赐之黄金之罂二九,贝带三十,朱三百裹,桂姜百,归遗乃膜 拜而受。

On the date of gui-you (癸酉, August 8 on the lunar calendar), Zhou King Muwang, with Count Bo-yao leading the caravan, raced southeastward to reach the land of Ju-gui-shi (巨蒐氏). The next day, the Ju-gui-shi people gave a reception to the king on Mt. Fenliu (焚留). Still one day later, on the date of yi-hai (乙亥, i.e., August 10 on the lunar calendar), Zhou King Muwang moved southward to reach the back side of the eastern slope of Yangyu (阳纡) Mountain, namely,  guide Count Bo-yao’s homeland. –Muwang’s return path to the east appeared to be the same route that the Mongols took to go west to attack the Tanguts at the Blackwater Lake.

癸酉,天子命驾八骏之乘,右服骝〔疑华骝字〕而左绿耳,右骖赤 〔古骥字〕而左白亻莪〔古义字〕。天子主车,造父为御, 为右。次车之乘〔次车,副车〕,右服渠黄而左踰轮,右骖盗骊而左山子。柏 夭主车,参百为御,奔戎为右,天子乃遂东南翔行,驰驱千里〔一举辔千里,行 如飞翔〕,至于巨蒐氏,巨蒐之人奴,乃献白鹄之血,以饮天子〔饮血所 以益人炁力〕,因具牛羊之湩〔湩,乳也。今江南人亦呼乳为湩。音寒冻 反〕,以洗天子之足〔令肌肤滑〕,及二乘之人〔谓主天子车及副车者也〕。  甲戌,巨蒐之奴觞天子于焚留之山。乃献马三百,牛羊五千,秋麦千 车〔秋麦,禾也〕,膜稷三十车〔稷,粟也。膜未闻〕。天子使柏夭受之。好献 枝斯之英四十〔精者为英〕,珌佩百只,琅玕四十, 十箧〔疑此纻葛之属〕,天子使造父受之,□乃赐之银木 采,黄金之罂二九,贝带四十,朱三百裹,桂姜百。奴乃膜拜而受。

Moving further south, Zhou King Muwang reached the edge of the north bank of the Yellow River. On the date of gui-chou (癸丑, i.e., August 18 on the lunar calendar), Zhou King Muwang, with Count Bo-yao’s accompaniment, traveled eastward to reach Zao-ze (澡泽) Lake, the inflection point of the Yellow River, where the river flows southward. Zhou King Muwang stayed at Zao-ze for five days, waiting for six columns of army to catch up. On the date of Wu-wu (戊午, i.e., August 23 on the lunar calendar), Zhou King Muwang continued the eastward travel, and having ordered Count Bo-yao to return home, changed direction to go south.

乙亥,天子征阳纡之东尾〔尾,山后也〕。乃遂绝之谷。已至于 河之水北阿。爰有溲之□河伯之孙〔今西有渠搜国, 疑渠字〕,事皇天子之山。有模堇,其叶是食明后〔模堇,木名。后,君也。堇, 音谨〕。天子嘉之,赐以佩玉一只,柏夭再拜稽首。  癸丑,天子征。柏夭送天子至于崩阝人。崩阝伯絮觞天子于澡泽之上, 多之汭〔汭,水涯〕,河水之所南还〔还,回也。音旋〕。曰:天子五日 休于澡泽之上。以待六师之人。  戊午,天子东征。顾命柏夭归于丌邦。天子曰:河宗正也。柏夭再拜稽首 〔辞去也〕。天子南还,升于长松之隥〔坂有长松〕。

On the date of ren-xu (壬戌, i.e., August 27 on the lunar calendar), Zhou King Muwang reached the Lei-shou-shan (雷首) Mountain (in Puban or Yongji of Shanxi Province), where the Quan-rong people [again] gave a reception. On the date of gui-hai (癸亥, i.e., August 28 on the lunar calendar), Zhou King Muwang moved south to the steps of Zi (髭) Mountain. On the date of bing-yin (丙寅, i.e., September 2 on the lunar calendar), Zhou King Muwang was back walking on the narrow ridge road of the Xing-shan (钘山) Mountain. After crossing today’s Taihangshan Mountain, Zhou King Muwang crossed the Yellow River to reach the capital Zong-zhou.

孟冬壬戌,天子至于雷首〔雷首,山名,今在河东蒲坂县南也〕,犬戎胡觞 天子于雷首之阿,乃献食马四六。天子使孔牙受之,曰:雷水之平寒寡人具犬马 羊牛。爰有黑牛白角,爰有黑羊白血〔记异也〕。  癸亥,天子南征,升于髭之隥〔音訾〕。  丙寅,天子至于钘山之队,东升于三道之隥,乃宿于二边。命毛班〔毛 班,毛伯卫之先也〕、逄固先至于周,以待天之命。  癸酉,天子命驾八骏之乘,赤骥之驷,造父为御,南征翔行,迳绝翟道〔翟 道,在陇西,谓截陇坂过〕,升于太行,南济于河。驰驱千里,遂入于宗周。官 人进白鹄之血,以饮天子,以洗天子之足〔亦谓乳也〕。造父乃具羊之血,以饮 四马之乘一〔与王同车,御右之属。《左传》所谓四乘是也〕。

Measuring the recorded length of the segments of trip, from capital Zong-zhou to the land of the Yellow River deity [i.e., Yangyu-shan Mountain], the distance was 3,400 ancient li; from Yangyu-shan to Xixia-shi’s land, the distance was 2,500 ancient li; from Xixia-shi to Zhu-yu-shi (珠余氏)’s land (He-shou, i.e., origin of the Yellow River), the distance was 1,500 ancient li; from Xiang-shan Mountain at He-shou (origin of the Yellow River) to Chong-shan/Zhu-ze/Kunlun, the distance was 700 ancient li; from Chong-shan to Chi-wu-shi’s Chong-shan, the distance was 300 ancient li; from west of the mountain of jades (群玉之山) to the land of Queen Mother of the West, the distance was 3,000 ancient li; and from the land of Queen Mother of the West to the northern wilderness (大旷原), the distance was 1,900 ancient li.

[Per Jin Yufei, Xiang-shan Mountain would be Zhuo-zi-shan (table mountain) at today's Wuhai, Inner Mongolia.]

庚辰,天子大朝于宗周之庙。乃里西土之数〔里,谓计其道里也。《纪年》 曰“穆王西征,还里天下,亿有九万里”〕。曰:自宗周瀍水以西〔瀍水,今在 洛西。洛即成周也。音缠〕。至于河宗之邦,阳纡之山三千有四百里。自阳纡西 至于西夏氏,二千又五百里。自西夏至于珠余氏及河首,千又五百里。自河首襄 山以西,南至于舂山、珠泽,昆仑之丘,七百里。自舂山以西,至于赤乌氏舂山 三百里。东北还至于群玉之山,截舂山以北〔截,犹阻也〕。自群玉之山以西, 至于西王母之邦三千里。□自西王母之邦,北至于旷原之野,飞鸟之所解其羽 〔所谓解毛之处〕,千有九百里。□宗周至于西北大旷原〔案《山海经》云“群 鸟所集泽有两处,一方百里,一方千里”,即此大旷原也〕,万四千里。乃还东 南,复至于阳纡,七千里。还归于周,三千里。各行兼数,三万有五千里。吉日 甲申,天子祭于宗周之庙〔告行反也。《书·大传》曰“反必告庙”也〕

The return trip to the southeast could be subdivided into the segment from the northwestern wilderness to Yangyu Mountain (7,000 ancient li) and from Yangyu Mountain to the capital (3,000 ancient li).

乙酉,天子□六师之人于洛水之上。  丁亥,天子北济于河,□羝之队以西北。升于盟门九河之隥〔盟门山,今 在河北。《尸子》曰“河出于盟门之上”〕,乃遂西南。  仲冬壬辰,至山之上,乃奏广乐,三日而终。  吉日丁酉,天子入于南郑〔今京兆郑县也。《纪年》“穆王元年,筑祗宫于 南郑”,《传》所谓“王是以获没于祗宫者”〕。

Zhou King Muwang, after return to the capital, went to the Luo-shui River, traveled north to cross the Yellow River, and returned southwest to reach Nanzheng in the Hanzhong area, southwest of today’s Xi’an. (Mu-tian-zi-Zhuan, a warring states time period book, had mixed up the two Zhou capital cities of Haojing [Xi'an] and Luoyi [Luoyang]. There were more than half of the terminologies used in the book, taht were only used in the late Zhou dynasty time period.)

《卷五》Volume V

Chapter Five was a separate story about Zhou King Muwang’s activity near the Hulaoguan (tiger lockup pass) area, namely, to the east of today’s Tongguan, an area we Chinese called by “he-nei” (Hanoi in the Vietnamese language). This section also contained a record about the king’s visit to Xia King Qi’s temple on Mt. Taishi-shan, something that was shown on the excavated divination bamboo slips, as well as in the books like HUAI NAN ZI and GUI ZANG.

天子乐之〔爱其术也〕,命为□ 而时□焉□其名曰□公去乘人□犹□有虎在乎葭中〔葭草〕。天子将至,七萃之 士高奔戎请生搏虎,必全之,乃生搏虎而献之〔《诗》所谓“袒裼暴虎,献于公 所”,此之谓也〕。天子命之为柙〔柙,槛也。《论语》曰“虎兕出於柙”〕, 而畜之东虢,是曰虎牢〔因以名其地也。今荥阳成皋县是〕。天子赐奔戎田猎十 驷〔《尔雅》曰:畋马齐足尚疾也〕,归之太牢〔牛羊豕为太牢〕。奔戎再拜首。

《卷六》Volume VI

Chapter Five was a separate story about Zhou King Muwang’s trip to eastern China, on which occasion Zhou King Muwang’s favourite concubine Sheng-ji (盛姬) passed away en route, for which he was extremely sorrow throughout the trip. This could be some text that the Jinn scholars had bundled together with the travelogue after excavations from the tomb.

甲申,天子北升于大北之隥〔疑此太行山也〕,而降休于两柏之下〔有两 柏也〕。天子永念伤心,乃思淑人盛姬,于是流涕。七萃之士葽豫上谏于天子曰: 自古有死有生,岂独淑人。天子不乐,出于永思。永思有益,莫忘其新〔言思之 有益者,莫忘更求新人〕。天子哀之,乃又流涕〔闻此言,愈更增感也〕。是日 辍,己未乙酉,天子西绝钘隥〔即钘山之坂。一云癸巳游于井钘之山, 吉日癸巳〕,乃遂西南。
戊子,至于盬〔盬,盐池,今在河东解县。盬,音古〕。己丑,天子南登于 薄山窴軨之隥〔今軡桥西南悬绝,中央有两道〕,乃宿于虞〔虞,国名, 今大阳县〕。

Reference: http://wenku.baidu.com/view/c472dc727fd5360cba1adbd2.html?from=related

  • In the first year of King Muwang’s reign, 1001 B.C.E., the king, who was already 50 years old, ordered the building of the Zhao-gong Palace after ascending the throne in the first lunar month, and in month of October, ordered to build the Qi-gong Palace in Nanzheng. In this year, Muwang made a conferral onto Yu-mi (Count Xin-bo) who previously made a rescue of Zhou King Zhaowang in the Han-shui River while the Zhou army was campaigning against the Jing-ren (?O3-haplogroup Hundred Pu people or O3-haplogroup Hmong-mien people).
  • In the sixth year, 996 B.C.E., Zi-dan (? Viscount Dan) of Xu of the Xu-an statelet, one of the [? O2-haplogroup] Yi people [along the Huai-shui River], came to the Zhou court, and was conferred the title of Bo (Count).
  • In the spring of the 8th year reign, Bei-tang (i.e., North Tang, some Northwestern Rong statelet), came to deliver a black-colored horse as tribute, which later gave birth to one of Muwang’s chariot horses, Lu-er.
  • In the 9th year, Muwang ordered to construct the Chun-gong [spring] Palace.
  • In the 11th year, King Muwang made a conferral on ‘Qing-shi’ [minister] Moufu, i.e., Lord (Duke) Ji-gong.
  • In the 12th year, Ban (Lord Mao-gong), Li4 (Lord Gong-gong), and Gu3 (Lord Pang-gong [?Feng-gong]) commanded the army to campaign against the Quan-rong barbarians under the helm of King Muwang. In October, King Muwang went north [i.e., northwest] on a hunting trip and attacked the Quanrong [in today's Guyuan area of Ningxia]. (King Muwang attacked the Quan-rong against the advice of Ji-gong, which led to the barbarians’ cessation of tribute relationship with the Zhou court.)
  • In the spring of the thirteenth year, Ji-gong commanded an army on a western expedition under the helm of King Muwang, and reached the land of Yangyu. In July, the Xi-Rong [western Rong] sent an emissary to seeing Zhou King Muwang. While King Muwang was campaigning in the west, the Xu-Rong people under self-proclaimed King Xu-yan-wang [i.e., Zhou-sanctified Count Zi-dan] invaded the Luo-he River area from the east. In October, Zhou King Muwang, riding on the chariot commandeered by Zao-fu, returned to the Zong-zhou capital for quelling the Xu-yan-wang rebellion. (According to ZHU SHU JI NIAN (THE BAMBOO ANNALS), Zhou King Muwang met with Queen Mother of the West during the 17th year’s reign, namely, 946 B.C. According to Mu-tian-zi, i.e., Zhou King Muwang’s travelogue, King Muwang departed the capital one year earlier, namely, 947 B.C. and traveled to the north of the Northern Yellow River Bend, where Mount Yangyu was said to be located, and continued on the trip to seeing the Queen Mother in July of 946 B.C.E., the 17th year of the reign. Hence, the two accounts had conflict, meaning that MU-TIAN-ZI-ZHUAN or the travelogue was a fiction written in the 4th century B.C.E. on basis of the limited records available in ZHU SHU JI NIAN (THE BAMBOO ANNALS).)
  • In the fourteenth year, King Muwang[, having obtained another stallion Ji-luo,] travelled south to the Chu land, ordered Chu-zi (Viscount Chu) [ i.e., Chu King Wenwang per Hou Han Shu] to attack the Xu rebels. The Xu rebellion was quelled. In April, King Muwang went hunting at Jinqiu; in May, ordered to construct the Fan-gong Palace. In September, the Di-ren barbarians invaded the Bi statelet. In winter, King Muwang went hunting at Ping-ze Lake. After a tiger was caught, King Muwang ordered to build a tiger cage, i.e., the future Hulao [tiger cage] Pass in today’s Yingyang, Henan Province. (This turned out to be the story of the king’s bodyguard Gao-ben-rong catching the tiger barehanded in the fiction MU-TIAN-ZI-ZHUAN.)
  • In the spring of the 15th year reign, the Liu-kun-shi people came to pay pilgrimage. King Muwang ordered to make Chongbi-tai (double wall terrace). In winter, King Muwang stayed at the Yian-ze (the salt lake).
  • In the 16th year, Marquis Huo-hou, Jiu, passed away. King Muwang conferred onto Zao-fu the land of Zao.
  • In the 17th year reign, King Muwang made an expedition to Kunlun-qiu (Kunlun Hill), and visited the Queen Mother of the West. In this year, the Queen Mother of the West came to Zhou to show respect, and dwelled at the Zhao-gong Palace. In Autumn, in August, Zhou King Muwang relocated the [Quan-]Rong barbarians to the land of Tai-yuan [grand plateau, i.e., the land of the origin of the Jing-shui and Wei-shui Rivers]. (The barbarians would continue to move east, became part of the Li-rong barbarians at Mount Lishan after sacking Haojing the Zhou capital and then crossed the Yellow River to reach today’s Shanxi, where they might have split into the Bai-di mand Chi-di barbarians [if not the same as descendants of Tang-shu or Uncle Tang] and intermarried with the Jinn principality – possibly the hint as to the imaginary meeting between Zhou King Muwang and the Quan-rong in the fictional travelogue Mu-tian-zi of the 4th century B.C.E.) (Per Hou Han Shu, King Muwang caught five barbarian chieftains in this campaign, whom the later historians referred to as chieftains of the Five Rong Group, i.e., ancestors of the later Yiqu-rong people.)
  • In the spring of the eighteenth year, King Muwang lived at the Qi-gong Palace, where he received the visits of the vassals. (ZUO ZHUAN claimed that minister Ji-gong had advised against the king’s lavish travel across the country, wrote a poem called QI [Qi-gong Palace] ZHAO [axiom], and the king accepted the advice and lived to pass away at the Qi-gong Palace.)
  • In the 21st year, Ji-gong [posthumously Ji-wen-gong] passed away.
  • In the twenty-fourth year, King Muwang ordered Zuo-shi [leftside history minister, i.e., one of the three elderly dukes], to take charge of compiling the history of the king’s commandments and the past dynastic events.
  • In the thirty-fifth year, the Jing-ren people, who were in today’s Hanzhong plains and had defeated predecessor Zhou King Zhaowang, intruded into the Xu land. Count Mao-bo, i.e., Qian, commanded the army to defeat the Jing-ren at (? not possibly Zigui, which was near today’s Yangtze gorges and the Han-shui River estuary).
  • In the thirty-seventh year, King Muwang raised nine armies to attack south, reaching as far as Jiujiang (the nine rivers), with turtles caught to make a bridge. The Zhou army attacked the Yue statelet [at the lowerstream Yangtze], and reached the place of Yu1 [which could be the soundex word for the 'yu2' word in the term Yu-yue people]. The Jing-ren people [who were to the upper reach of the Yangtze] came to submit tributes [after hearing of Zhou's campaign success in the lower Yangtze].
  • In the 39th year, King Muwang assembled vassals at Mount Tushan, where Lord Yu, the Xia dynasty founder, married with the Tu-shan-shi woman who was noted in legends to have the shape of the nine-tail fox. (This could be the San-tu place mentioned in ZUO ZHUAN, near today’s Luoyang, Henan.)
  • In the forty-fifth year, Marquis Lu-hou of the Lu Principality, by the name of Ji1 Fei4, passed away.
  • In the 51st year, King Muwang made the penal code “Lv Xing” after reflecting on his 100 plus years of life.
  • In the fifty-fifth year, King Muwang passed away at the Zhi-gong Palace.

Historical truth:



Zhou King Muwang was said by ZHOU BEN-JI of SHI JI to be already 50 years old, when he ascended to the throne. The LV XING section of SHANG SHU claimed that the king lived to one hundred years, which was called by ‘qi [old] huang [desolate]‘, for which the Warring States scholars made him an icon of longevity through fiction MU TIAN ZI.  ZUO ZHUAN, in the 12th year of Lu Lord Zhaogong, carried a dialogue between Chu King Lingwang and Chu minister Zi-ge, which was about the minister’s attempt at dissuading the ill-fated Chu king from continuous military campaigns against the small feudatory states. When the Chu king mentioned minister ‘zuo shi Yi-xiang’ and his abilities to read the ancient texts, Zi-ge replied to state that if ‘zuo shi Yi-xiang’ did not know the QI ZHAO poem that Zhou minister Ji-gong-Mou-fu wrote to dissuade Zhou King Muwang from travelling across the country to leave the rut trace and horse shoe prints, how could he know things beyond. This episode in ZUO ZHUAN provided proof that MU TIAN ZI was a latter-day invention while the records in THE BAMBOO ANNALS were well known among both the people in the central Sinitic land and the far south Chu Principality’s world before 530 B.C. The fiction in MU TIAN ZI hence could be pierced. The Zhou king had taken the admonition, hence stayed put, and died in the Zhi-gong palace.

More at http://imperialchina.org/Zhou_Dynasty.html

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